(From the M&C Report)
For some
time now, politicians have talked about the nation’s relationship with alcohol
(normally with reference to the need to alter that relationship). Well, given
the length and depth of the English’s relationship with alcohol down the
centuries, it is probably about time for that relationship to be formalised.
And, in many ways, this latest incarnation of the alcohol strategy does seem to
be preparing for marriage in that it contains:
•
Something Old: Powers to restrict operating hours and the number of outlets in
an area (a re-statement of elements in last year’s Police Reform and Social
Responsibility Act and powers that existed under the 2003 Act);
•
Something New: A very welcome focus on the responsibilities of the individual;
•
Something Borrowed: Minimum pricing (as the SNP set the pace on this one);
•
Something Blue: The core Conservative belief in giving business its head both
to solve problems (Responsibility Deal) and thrive through reduced red tape.
And like
many a marriage, the strategy has been preceded by stag and hen nights. Or, if
you accept the Government’s view of things, a decade of stag and hen nights
that have made our town and city centres no go zones for the majority of
people. I do not subscribe to that view; it seems to me that, as was the case
throughout the genesis, passage and implementation of the Licensing Act 2003,
the rhetoric and perceptions of the policymakers is five to 10 years behind the
true state of the market.
Framing
the Argument
In fact, the widespread compulsion in political circles to over emphasise the extent of any problems (at both the individual and town centre levels) undermines the numerous positive elements of the alcohol strategy and makes meaningful, long lasting partnership across industry, communities, councils and the police that much harder to achieve.
“Binge
drinking isn’t some fringe issue, it accounts for half of all alcohol consumed
in this country.” Prime Minister’s Foreword
The broad
body of the strategy often refers to and attempts to achieve some balance
across the positive and negative elements of alcohol use and the alcohol
industry. However, the very deliberate choice to make ‘binge drinking’
the first two words of the document abandons any attempt at subtlety in order
to make a blunt political point. That is deeply unhelpful as it leaves many
feeling the alcohol policy debate is not taking place on a level playing field.
It is also a point built on challengeable evidence.
The
Government classifies ‘binge drinking’ as anyone who, “self reports drinking on
their heaviest drinking day in the previous week more than eight units per day
for men and more than six units per day for women”.
The
images used to depict binge drinking and the mental associations we now have as
a nation thanks to a decade or so of media reporting would suggest ‘binge
drinking’ is actually far in excess of that threshold. The implied meaning of
‘binge’ and the actual measurement are so far apart as to strip all but all the
credibility from the term.
For
example, politicians attend a lot of functions as part of their constituency
work, Ministerial activities and general involvement in the policy process. It
is therefore safe to assume that most MPs will attend a dinner most weeks – a
glass of champagne at the pre-dinner reception, a white with the starter and
red with the main (topped up once) and a port with the cheese would – according
to the tables in the press release accompanying the strategy – comfortably
exceed the Government’s threshold. Should we conclude, therefore, that the vast
majority of our policymakers are binge drinkers?
1.1 Over
the last decade we have seen a culture grow where it has become acceptable to
be excessively drunk in public and cause nuisance and harm to ourselves and
others.
3.3 Over
the last few years, town centres have become increasingly focused on the
night-time economy and, as a result, we have seen a growth in licensed
premises.
Taken
together, these statements show how the strategy is formed, at times, based on
a view of the licensed trade that is five to 10 years out of date. CGA’s very
well publicised data on the shape of the licensed trade has shown how the
number of town centre alcohol-led premises has reduced significantly – most
notably the halving of the number of nightclubs in the last decade. Overall, we
have lost 10% of licensed premises in 10 years. Add in the use of BIDs, Best
Bar None, Purple Flag and initiatives such as White Nights and it is clear that
our town centres are less and less focused on the narrow version of the night
time economy suggested by the Government.
Conclusion
A lot of what the Government is seeking to achieve under this strategy is already in place or under way. Many of the specific proposals around licensing either come from recent legislation or can be achieved through the Licensing Act 2003. While the Government’s broader ambitions are also being met:
1.5
“changing the drinking culture, from one of excess to one of responsibility;
and from one where alcohol is linked to bad behaviour to one where it is linked
to positive ‘socialising’.”
The
changing nature of the pub and bar industry, shift in drinking patterns to more
premium products and the positive impact of partnership initiatives are all
changing things for the better (and have been for some time).
Minimum
pricing is the big unknown; everything else can change things for the better if
(and this is a crucial if) both central and local government are guided by the
evidence to hand not sensationalist newspaper headlines. Resisting the
temptation to add to those headlines with ill-founded and outdated rhetoric
would also be appreciated.
Over the coming months, we can expect a steady
stream of consultations to flow form this strategy. As an industry lobbyist who
now benefits from the broader perspective offered by my role at the Institute
of Licensing, it is to be hoped that Government will frame each consultation by
apportioning due weight to the good things that are happening and less to the
often imagined excesses of a minority a few hours a week.
A full version of Jon Collins' report on the alcohol strategy will be in next month's M&C Report.
